Ankole Kingdom
Your Majesty The King of Ankole kingdom,
On behalf of His Majesty Sultan Fuad Abdullah Kiram I the Sultan of the Sultanate of Sulu and Sabah, I congratulate You and express our interest to the Ankole Kingdom.
Happy birthday and God bless You Yours Majesty.
Wisdom doesn’t necessarily come with age. Sometimes age just shows up all by itself. – Tom Wilson
Your Sincerely
Datuk Sir MYR Agung Sidayu,Bt,DRK
The Cultural Amabssador to Indonesia and Timor Leste
Royal communiqué: Royal Grant of Award of Elevation to Hereditary Knighthood/ Datuk Katurunan/ Baronet to The Honorable Datuk Sir Myr Agung Sidayu, Bt., DRK:
19 October 2011
Royal Maimbung, Sulu
A Royal communiqué from His Royal Highness Prince Omar Kiram Dux de Legazpi Duque de Vivar-Maniquiz, Grand Prince & Prince Marshal & Grand Master of the Royal Orders.
To All and Singular: To all whom this Royal communiqué shall come, greetings!
“Be it hereby duly known with the most gracious Royal assent and approbation, and after due deliberation by the Royal Council which unanimously agreed and recommended to His Majesty Sultan Muhammad Fuad Abdulla Kiram the First, The Sultan of Sulu & The Sultan of Sabah, Head of Islam & Head of Sultanate, The 35th Reigning Sultan – for the select personage to be granted the illustrious and honorable award, rank and title as “Hereditary Knight/ Datuk Katurunan/ Baronet” and is entitled to be called “The Honorable” and he can use the letters “DRK” (Datuk/ Knight of the Royal Order of Kiram) after his name as post nominals signifying he is a Baronet and all his heirs thereafter as announced hereto.”
Citation reads:
For exemplary achievements in bringing closer understanding between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia, Philippines, East Timor, Uganda and other nations and for his continuing praiseworthy services rendered to the Royal Crown of Sulu & Sabah as the grantee of honors and distinction whose name appears below shall become Datuk Katurunan, Hereditary Knight or Baronet of the Royal Order of Kiram with immediate effect as from today the 19th day of October in the year 2011:
The Honorable Datuk Sir Myr Agung Sidayu, Bt., DRK, KRSS (Gresik, Indonesia)
His personal Knightly Arms as a Baronet shall be designed and marshaled by the Royal College of Arms and to be granted by His Majesty Sultan Muhammad Fuad Abdulla Kiram the First, with his name inscribed on the “motto scroll” as a mark of favor and recognition of his achievements for his exclusive use in any of his honorable pursuit and endeavor.
His Majesty Sultan Muhammad Fuad Abdulla Kiram the First thereafter ordered and issued a Royal Edict to be signed and sealed today at Royal Maimbung, Sulu this 19th day of October in the year 2011.
This Royal Edict appears as a matter of public records and to be made known accordingly and we congratulate the well-deserving Royal grantee.
Note: This Royal grant as Hereditary Knight of The Royal Order of Kiram appearing hereto is free and without any fee or payment from the grantee, as this Royal award is based on achievements and contributions to society and not the ability to pay for the recognition. We have many Royal Grantees globally and no one paid any fee to us to receive the much sought after Royal recognition from the oldest unbroken royalty in the Philippines since the year 1405 to this day to be declared as our Datuk Katurunan, Hereditary Knight or Baronet of The Royal Hashemite Sultanate of Sulu & Sabah.
We are:
HRH Prince Omar Kiram Dux de Legazpi Duque de Vivar-Maniquiz
Grand Prince & Prince Marshal & Grand Master of Royal Orders
The Royal Hashemite Sultanate of Sulu & Sabah
——————————————————-
Presenting the Knightly Arms of The Honorable Datuk Sir Myr Agung Sidayu, Bt., DRK, KRSS (Datuk Katurunan/ Hereditary Knight/ Baronet of the Royal Order of Kiram), Royal Cultural Representative & Ambassador to Indonesia and East Timor. Granted the accolade as Hereditary Knight for exemplary works in bringing closer understanding and friendship between Muslims and Christians and continuing praiseworthy services to HM Sultan Fuad A. Kiram I, the Sultan of Sulu and Sabah, with focus on the Sabah recovery from the unlawful Malaysian occupation that will benefit the true owners who are Tausugs and Filipinos. Congratulations to our Datuk Sir Myr. Best wishes.
Chinese businesses and investors are storming Uganda and Africa as a whole. How will this shift affect the future of the continent?
Ugandans are not the only ones who know their country is brimming with resources. China, which has a long track record of strategically trading with and assisting African countries that have resource potential, is becoming increasingly involved in Uganda. But it’s important for Ugandans to remember that China is not increasing its presence here just for charitable reasons.
Take the discovery of large oil deposits in western Uganda. Though the oil is still underground, companies are already engaged in exploration and chief among them is the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC). CNOOC is one of China’s three major national oil companies. According to reports, it intends to partner with Total and Tullow Oil to build an oil refinery in western Uganda.
Sun Heping, the Chinese ambassador to Uganda, recently said, “China aims to assist Uganda build its own oil industry through participation in the production of oil products”. President Museveni welcomed this move.
Beyond the oil industry, there are a number of Chinese workers in Uganda employed in infrastructural development, education, health and agricultural projects. According to information from the Chinese embassy in Uganda, another 5,000 Chinese are in the country pursuing private entrepreneurship.
The Chinese are generally respected as hard workers, which helps their companies win tenders in areas like road construction and maintenance. Ugandans can testify to this: There are many road construction projects that Chinese companies have successfully completed in the country.
Chinese-owned companies constructed Mandela National stadium, State House Entebbe and a host of other government office buildings. And China is set to fund the proposed Kampala-Entebbe highway expected to cost $350 million – through a preferential loan. As an additional benefit, these projects employ thousands of Ugandans and put money back into the government through taxes.
The development isn’t just infrastructural, but also intellectual. China offers scholarships to Ugandan students, enabling them to pursue continued education in China in areas from technology to medicine. More than 1,000 Ugandan students are currently studying in China on hese scholarships.
China enjoys good trade relations with Uganda. China sends mechanical and electrical products, chemicals, and textiles to Uganda, while Uganda exports coffee, cotton, leather, honey, and scrap metal to China. Statistics from the Uganda Export Promotion Board show Uganda’s exports to China stand at about $20 million, while imports from China were about $202 million last year. Both countries have shown a commitment to mutually continue improving this trade balance.
It’s clear China is contributing to the economic and social development of Uganda. Nevertheless, not all Ugandans are happy about the increasing Chinese presence in the country. Many Ugandan traders I talked to in Kampala’s downtown business area told me that the Chinese are “killing our country by using it as a dumping ground for unwanted products”.
“Our city is flooded with fake products from China some of which are very detrimental to the health of Ugandan consumers,” one trader told me. Other retailers add that the Chinese products are undercutting the prices of their own goods and are outselling local merchants’ products because they’re more affordable.
Chinese retailers dispute this characterization. Cui Liru, who owns a shop on Luwum Street selling general merchandise told me, “I sell genuine products, which I import from China and I have very many customers as you can see yourself. My customers are always coming for more products in my shop because my products are genuine.”
Another Chinese shop owner, Lil Hu, explained that the Chinese export policy “only allows for exportation of durable and genuine products.”
A spokesman for the Chinese Embassy in Uganda confirmed that China doesn’t have a policy of exporting fake products to Uganda and said the country was working on resolving any issue of fake products being sold in Uganda.
There is also some contention about Chinese taking jobs that would ordinarily go to Ugandans. Local job seekers complain that Chinese companies prefer employing their countrymen. When a Ugandan does get a job in a Chinese shop, workers allege that the pay is low and the working conditions are hard.
One worker at a large, well-established Chinese-owned hotel reported that he was offered Ush100,000 a month as a cleaner. Tired of working 12-14 hours, seven days a week, the man quit before he ever collected one shilling.
“They work you until you cannot take it anymore and you quit before they pay you. They do this to all their employees and it is like they are getting free labour,” he said.
The situation in Uganda is part of a larger trend across the continent. Away from Uganda, China is investing in many African countries with the aim of contributing to Africa’s economic and social development. Since 1949 China has been offering assistance to Africa. As part of this assistance the Chinese have announced that they will not get involved in dictating changes for political or human rights reasons. This principle was announced as early as 1964 by Premier Zhou Enlai and China has been sticking to it.
At an Inter-Region Economic Network conference under the theme, “Is Eastern Africa ready for China, India and Europe?,” H.E Guan Gyuan, ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary of the People’s Republic of China to the Republic of Kenya emphasized that China’s assistance to Africa is selfless and pure. He said the alliance has always been and will always be aimed at promoting China-Africa economic and trade cooperation, mutual trust and all-around strategic partnership.
The majority of the Chinese assistance to Africa is based on a government-to-government model through non-currency delivery and focuses mainly on developing projects around infrastructure, education and health, where Africans can see and feel a tangible benefit.
China’s investments in Uganda are mirrored in countries throughout Africa. China is assisting with the construction of Bui Hydro power station in Ghana, an airport in Mauritius, a housing project in Equatorial Guinea among a number of other projects in Africa. China has also set aside $10 billion in preferential loans to be used by African countries in financing their infrastructure projects.
In turn, African countries such as Tunisia, Seychelles, Nigeria, Mauritius and South Africa are increasing their investments in China. A joint venture started by a South African enterprise in China is now operating 70 breweries in China. Other African ventures in China are also doing well. In 2009, these ventures were estimated to be around $9.93 billion. Today they are projected to be around $14.5 billion.
China is doing all this for a reason. It is doing so to gain access to rich Africa’s natural resources and to African markets, which it needs more than ever to meet its own rising developmental needs back home. As we talk today, many of the Chinese companies in Africa, are repatriating a big percentage of their profits back to their home country and in so doing, they are facilitating capital flight from Africa to China.
This is in addition to China’s failure to curb allegations that cheap products are flooding Africa. And China is also criticized for its expressed policy of not attaching commitments for good governance, democracy and human rights improvements to its aid. All of which makes many Africans question the increased Chinese presence on the continent. African countries and China should clearly set their trade and aid conditions to incorporate economic development, social improvement and balanced trade.
Having already acquired stakes in Uganda’s nascent oil industry, China’s interest in Uganda is now higher than ever before. As relations continue to improve, Ugandan officials should be advised to do as the Chinese do and put the interests of their own people and country first.
by Moses Hategeka
All people may be equal according to the United Nations, but in Uganda that depends on who you are and where you are
by Lindsey Kukunda
All human beings belong to a single species and share a common origin. They are born equal in dignity and rights and all form an integral part of humanity… The differences between the achievements of the different people are entirely attributable to geographical, historical, political, economic, social and cultural factors. Such differences can in no way serve as a pretext for any rank ordered classification of nations or peoples.
– Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice, adopted by the General Conference of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
Racial divides in Uganda are not commonly spoken of because it is such an accepted part of our society that no one notices it anymore. This does not mean, however, that they do not exist. In our country today, there is no special race that is singled out for discrimination. That is what is so unique about Uganda. Everybody suffers, be they Ugandan, Caucasian or Asian.
If you are Ugandan, many of you reading this have probably heard the phrase, “Me, I hate Indians!” spoken several times. Truth be told, many of you have uttered that same phrase yourselves. There is an unexplainable mutually shared hatred (a strong word but true unfortunately) between Ugandans and Ugandan-Indians.
Several Ugandans asked me this same question, “Do you know how Indians mistreat and abuse their Ugandan employees? Underpaying and abusing them every day? Me, I hate those people!”
But when I asked them how they knew of this, they had no answer. It is a rumour, spread like a wildfire over the years that has been accepted as fact. While these allegations may hold some truth, there are a large number of Ugandan employers who treat their workers far worse than any Indians do. When I pointed this out, I received the response, “That is why we say they are like Indians.” Obviously, this is an argument that cannot be won.
Sheila Tusiime (a pseudonym) is one Ugandan who said that when she observes the behaviour of locals working for Indians, she can understand their boss’ poor treatment of them.
“I entered a shop, and stood there for around five minutes waiting for assistance,” she said. “There were two Ugandan girls just sitting there chatting. Eventually, their boss rushed up to them and ordered them to assist me.”
This trend was confirmed by an Indian businessman I spoke to. Mr. Patel runs an electronics shop along Kampala Road and discreetly took me to a back room to narrate his daily ordeals.
“I am not a racist but it is my personal observation that there is hardly a lazier people than Ugandans,” he lamented. “They just come and sit around, wait for break tea, wait for lunch and then decide they are not feeling well, or they do not come in because they have lost a relative. You Ugandans, you have so many relatives who keep on dying. But I am still expected to pay you.” (Many a Ugandan boss is also tired and weary of the ‘dead relative’ story.)
Mr. Patel is further outraged because his workers do not look up to him as an example.
“My children, they come in after school to learn how to run a business, so the Ugandans are happy because they have less work to do,” he scowled. “They think of us as crazy because we work hard, can you imagine that?”
In that light, one can understand Mr. Patel’s anger. It is not uncommon to enter a workplace and find employees surfing, watching movies or simply sitting and waiting for the end of the workday. The laziness of Ugandans is a story well told, with the infamous saying that it takes two Kenyans to do a job it would take five Ugandans to accomplish.
Ugandans suffer, not just in how they are viewed as workers, but in how they are viewed by businesses. To call a spade a spade, there are a few elite restaurants and bars in Kampala that are certainly guilty of assuming that Ugandans have less money than Caucasians and as a result, may not give them the best service.
As a resident of Speke Resort Munyonyo a few months ago, I was astounded at how the waiters would pay special attention to the ‘Bazungu’ tables and no amount of hand-waving could get you their attention until these ‘rich white people’ were served and comfortable. Locals who were not decked out in showy attire were treated like a forgotten memory. Needless to say, my company resolved to never spend our money there again.
“I mean, I may only be taking a soda, but it’s not necessary to ignore me because of that,” complained Ronald, a victim of this at the Emin Pasha restaurant in Nakasero. “What if I come back next week with a large company and money to burn?” The waiters have heard this argument before, and couldn’t care less.
And then there is Bubbles O’Leary’s, an Irish pub that has come into the limelight several times over allegations of racism. There was the famous incident a few years ago when an American female referred to a Ugandan as a ‘monkey’ and blood almost spilled. While she and her friends were asked to leave, the damage had been done and Ugandans simply left the bar to the expatriate community.
I myself experienced the oddest form of racial favoritism when I went to Bubbles on a Friday night with a Dutch friend who had never been there before. While he sailed through, I was stopped and asked to pay an entrance fee. When I inquired why my friend was not required to do the same, the bouncer said he must be a member.
My friend came back and quickly assured the bouncer that he was not a member. The unashamed bouncer then proceeded to ask my friend to pay. We were both flabbergasted. A Ugandan discriminating against a fellow Ugandan in this fashion. Without expecting even a tip for his efforts.
Is it better when it’s not a Ugandan doing this? Joe Lawson, a Briton working in Tanzania, went to Effendy’s while on holiday in Uganda and narrated his experience there.
“I and two friends were lining up to pay the 10,000 shilling entrance fee when this white guy (I assume he was the proprietor) pulled us out of the line,” an unamused Lawson said. “He said the entrance fee was only for black people and no Mzungu was required to pay it. He then ushered us past the entrance.”
Lawson was livid at the thought of all the Ugandans queuing up to give the establishment of Effendy’s their money.
No worries, Joe Lawson. Discrimination is fairly meted out to ‘Bazungu’ as well. The term ‘Mzungu prices’ while indicative of being too expensive for locals, also refers to an unfair hike because the purchaser is a white person. Every time a Mzungu purchases local items or gets on a boda boda or enters a ‘special hire’, one can be sure they are being charged ‘Mzungu prices’.
“It really annoys me, because we are not all the walking ATMs Ugandans think we are,” complained Kerry, an American here on internship. “But we have to give in or we’ll never get anywhere or buy anything.”
Even the police are adept when it comes to ‘racial profiling’. Henry Dawkins, an NGO worker, claims he has never failed to be stopped by a traffic officer.
“It’s like they have this radar out for any white face, and they’re just waiting for you to be missing something,” he complained. “It really frustrates me because now I see a traffic officer and immediately get anxiety attacks. Sometimes I just use boda bodas to avoid the inconvenience.”
Wouter Van den Brand is also tired of all the ‘new friends’ he has to endure every time he’s in a bar alone. “It’s always the same story,” he said. “Someone comes up to you, sits down with you, next thing you know you’re buying him a drink and giving him money to go away.”
The onetime Mattia, another Mzungu living in Kampala, refused to be ‘friendly’, the Ugandan abused him roundly and he and his friends threatened to become violent. Perhaps it is the bias of experiences like this that cause white people to only run in expatriate circles.
When all is said and done, can things change? It is hardly likely because Ugandans see nothing wrong with the most basic forms of racial discrimination. It simply remains for individuals to fight for their rights and not allow themselves to be victims of the practice.
Government moved a motion on seeking parliamentary approval for the establishment of a fully pledged petroleum school – the Petroleum Institute Kigumba.
Winfred Kiiza, the opposition chief whip and Christine Baku, the MP for Arua District however noted that the proposals were defective.
The papers bore the name of Namirembe Bitamazire, the former minister of Education. The current minister of education is Jessica Alupo. But the Speaker of Parliament overruled the matter.
Alupo moved on to explain the objective of the school. The institute will train and conduct courses, seminars and workshops and to create public awareness of the petroleum sector. The institute will provide diploma and pre-diploma courses of study and the fields of petroleum and chemical engineering, International petroleum business management and petroleum geophysics and geosciences.
Lulume Bayiga, wondered why government brought the motion, when the institute is already operating.
Sam Lyomoki said parliament needs public opinion to determine whether or not the institute should be established . He suggested that the matter be referred to committee for further scrutiny.
The speaker later deferred the debate to allow time for him to look at the question of law under which the motion was brought to parliament.
Parliament paid tribute to the late Professor Dan Wadada Nabudere, a law scholar and political activist who died abruptly on Wednesday at his home in Mbale, aged 79.
The motion to eulogize Nabudere was moved by Eriya Kategaya, the first Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of East African Affairs and seconded by the Leader of Opposition in Parliament, Nandala Mafabi and ICT Minister, Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda.
Kategaya heaped a lot of praises on Nabudere, describing him as one of the few remaining fighters against imperialism and colonialism. He said Nabudere never believed in war as a solution to resolving political differences but thought that through Pan – Africanism, unity and debate, Uganda and the world would be a better place.
Mafabi, who has been Nabudere’s MP in Budadiri West in Sironko district, described Nabudere as very honest, a prolific debater, trustworthy and dependable. He said the late professor was not corrupt and prayed that other leaders in the country today would learn a lesson against corruption from him.
Mafabi said that the spirit of fighting for Bugisu Cooperative Union that the late spearheaded would be upheld. He said that as a minister of Justice and Rehabilitation, Nabudere was a very powerful government official, with a lot of resources at his disposal and yet he did not steal any penny from the government coffers.
Rugunda, who recalled how Nabudere took care of him when he ran into exile in Kenya during the Amin era, said that the fallen professor, even when he disagreed with you, would still respect your views. Rugunda said that recently Nabudere was actively involved in mobilizing people from Luwero and Gulu districts to embrace reconciliation for national unity.
Other MPs who interacted with the late professor and spoke about his contribution to this country included Wafula Oguttu, Jimmy Akena, David Wakikona and the woman MP for Sironko District, Wadada Femiar.
Nabudere will be buried on Friday in Sironko district.
-Uganda Radio Network
Movement for Restoration of Ankore Kingdom, has been registered in the UN Desa Database, please support this Organization intensively for the sake of banyankole and the Ankole Kingdom :
| Organization name: | Movement for Restoration of Ankore Kingdom |
| Organization acronym (English): | MRAK |
| Headquarters address | |
|---|---|
| Address: | Kampala, Ug Uganda |
| Email: | dtumwine@live.com |
| Web site: | http://www.facebook.com/#!/groups/296066713738581/ |
| Organization type: | Others |
| Languages: |
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Mr Makubuya speaking at Bulange, Mengo on Thursday. PHOTOS BY STEPHEN OTAGE
In Summary
The country’s biggest monarchy has joined the fray over the restoration of Ankole Kingdom. Sunday Monitor’s Emmanuel Gyezaho speaks to Buganda Kingdom Attorney General Apollo Makubuya who says the people of Ankole do not require the blessings of State House or President Museveni, to install their king and revive a kingdom on the verge of extinction.
Blessing the kingdom. The country’s biggest monarchy has joined the fray over the restoration of Ankole Kingdom. Sunday Monitor’s Emmanuel Gyezaho speaks to Buganda Kingdom Attorney General Apollo Makubuya who says the people of Ankole do not require the blessings of State House or President Museveni, to install their king and revive a kingdom on the verge of extinction. Excerpts below;
The recent demise and laying to rest of Prince John Barigye has rekindled debate on the restoration of Ankole Kingdom. What are your thoughts on this?
Prince Barigye, struggled quite a lot through diplomacy, to some extent politics and through some of the people who believe in the monarchy to restore the kingdom. But of course that didn’t work. There is a group which loves and supports Obugabe but also there is another group which doesn’t like the Obugabe and because of this group, the government has said no.
For me as a lawyer and also coming from a kingdom which is friendly to the Obugabe and the late omugabe in particular, there is need to talk about this. Article 246, of the Constitution talks about traditional and cultural institutions and it is very clear. It says the institution of a traditional or cultural leader may exist in any area of Uganda in accordance with the culture, customs, traditions or wishes and aspirations of the people to whom it applies.
So there is no provision in the Constitution that requires government to recognise a traditional leader so long as that traditional leader is recognised by the people in accordance with the culture and tradition. How someone becomes a king is a cultural process. It is not a political process. Therefore to suggest that the President or the district councils must sit and say yes is really to drag cultural matters into the political arena. Now, some people say that Article 246 (2) which states that in any community, like Ankole, where the traditional or cultural leader has not been resolved, the issue shall be resolved by the community concerned using a method prescribed by Parliament. But I argue that this provision doesn’t apply for the case of Ankole.
Why?
Have you ever heard anyone claiming the Obugabe apart from the late Barigye or have you heard so far anyone challenging his heir Charles Aryaija Rwebishengye? This provision of Clause 2 applies in the Busoga situation because the issue of the leader hasn’t been resolved.
In Ankole, there is no dispute as far as I am aware as to who the heir in the long line of the monarchy of Ankole is. The problems of the Kyabazingaship in Busoga have resulted from political intermeddling in cultural affairs. The choice of Kyabazinga should be the business of the people and customs of the Basoga and not politicians in Kampala. Some politicians want to see weak and divided kingdoms; hence while they are very ready to pay hospital bills and funeral expenses of a fallen king, they won’t return their expropriated assets or pay for the land and premises.
But there are those who disagree because the old Nkore Kingdom over-run some chiefdoms like Bunyaruguru, Mpororo, Igara and Buhweju.
It’s about culture. So you may be 100 people opposed to 10 but to those 10, this is their culture and they believe in it and the 100 cannot determine their cultural values. Yes they may be opposed and that is okay but what is not okay is for them to use a political process to deny the rights of the people who believe in Obugabe to have their Omugabe.
Why do you think the government has since sided with those opposed to the restoration of the kingdom?
It is purely for political reasons. Because here in Buganda we had a few people who were opposed to the reinstatement of the Kabaka. Some went to court but that didn’t stop the kingdom from being restored.
Well, the political will to restore the Kabaka was there.
Yes, I think it was there. The politics in Ankole maybe the reason why the people are being denied (the restoration of Omugabe) but if the people in Ankole who love the Omugabe want to have their Omugabe, let them ignore the politics.
What should they do?
They should install their Omugabe in accordance to their culture and customs. On the question of recognition; it would be nice if the President attended the coronation; it would be nice if the district leaders are in attendance but it would not be fatal if they are not there. The power to install their Omugabe is in their hands. It is not in the hands of State House.
You think they don’t know this already?
I don’t know. Maybe they don’t. I know for a fact that there has been some talk about putting this matter before the Constitutional Court. The question of recognition of a traditional leader is beside the point. It is not necessary for one to be recognised and installed. You know the Traditional and Cultural Leaders Bill of 2010; one of the issues that government tried to introduce in that Bill was this issue of recognition which we opposed and was removed in the final draft although the law has never come into force.
If the Banyankole who are interested in Obugabe are interested in the perks that go with the recognition; the Shs5 million, Mercedes Benz and so on, then they can wait. But if they can take a leaf from us, the kingdom and the king can exist without those perks.
There have been past attempts to install a king and the government stepped in and said no we cannot let this happen. Well, the government can say they don’t recognise a leader but the government cannot stop the Banyankole to recognise their man as their Omugabe. Nobody is going to be arrested to say that Charles Aryaija is the Omugabe of Ankole
What did Buganda Kingdom do for which Nkore should?
What the kingdom of Ankole has not done or the people who believe in the Obugabe is just stand on their two feet and maintain a position on this thing. They have believed more in diplomacy and appease the political leadership and not to rattle feathers. But you know where our things are concerned, we don’t care. We have opposed. This lack of principled stand on Obugabe has the net effect of weakening people.
How do you view government’s push to install a king for the Buruli community and yet remains opposed to having a king for Ankole?
This is double standards. In the case of Buruli, the government is prepared to install and support the Ssabaruli. Aren’t there people who are opposed to the Ssabaruli? There are very many and the majority in the case of Buganda. So why is it okay for the Ssabaruli to be installed and supported by the government but is not okay for the Omugabe?
Why is it okay for the government to support the Ssabanyala and give him a regiment of people to protect him when he faces such outright opposition? These all point that this whole thing is a political game and we must not allow our cultures to be subjected to politics. The Constitution is simple and says a traditional leader may exist in any area in Uganda in accordance to the culture or customs or wishes of the people to whom it applies. However few the number, they are entitled.
How do you respond to claims that the supposed ethnic tensions between the Bahima, of whom the President is one, and the Bairu, are responsible for Ankole Kingdom’s current troubles?
Well what I know is that the institution of the Obugabe has been divisive in the past between the Bahima and the Bairu and that there are certain sections of Bairu who are opposed to the idea for historical reasons. Now, times have changed. I know that the Enganzi of Ankole is a Mwiru and I know so many Bairu; some support, others wouldn’t care less.
Actually, based on what we witnessed during the send-off of our friend Barigye, the institution can be a uniting force for Ankore. It is very painful for me, and many others, to see that the government has deliberately refused to return artifacts and regalia such as the royal drum. This is their culture. They are depriving the youth from knowing about their king, their kingdom, history and culture.
President Museveni declared himself the Ssabagabe of Uganda sometime in the early 1990s. Do you think that declaration has anything to do with the kingdom’s current situation?
I think this has been partly part of the problem. The fact that the President declared himself the Ssabagabe partly undermined the restoration of the Obugabe. Actually that claim reminds me of Muammar Gadaffi’s claim of being the “King of Kings”.
Some say the President has failed to recognise the kingdom because he comes from a clan that would be supplicant to the king. That is culture. I don’t think that anyone; powerful leaders in NRM and government would necessarily be shy to partake of their culture and recognise their leader especially also because they tell us all the time that they love their culture. Obugabe is part of their culture.
I don’t think he would have a problem. The President from time to time meets with the Kabaka of Buganda and they have cordial mutual respect. The same thing applies with the young king of Tooro. When the Queen [of England] visited Uganda last time, the President was in position to relate. I don’t think it should be different especially for a man who says he loves his culture very much and is always feeding us with cultural values and saying he is from Ankole.
How prepared is Buganda to support those pushing for the restoration of the Ankole Kingdom?
For us in Buganda we are prepared to support the pro-Obugabe group. And we shall do anything to support the young king.
How best can this issue of the monarchy today be resolved especially when you have some groups agitating for both administrative and cultural power?
This is the case for Buganda. It is an issue of governance. The Constitution is clear and says all power belongs to the people and the people must be governed in accordance with their aspirations. So whatever governance structures we adopt as a country, we must respect the aspirations of the people. So if the people desire to be governed under a federal system; I don’t know about Ankole, but for us in Buganda this is our desire and we have many reasons.
Has Buganda thought about the possibility of cessation?
Our first interest really is to see how to reintroduce federalism in Uganda. Cessation is not the first thing. It is not what we wish to do. If it ever happens, it will be because we are forced to.
| Written by Michael Mubangizi |
| Sunday, 23 October 2011 23:17 |
| ‘Empires are built by blood and iron, not ballot papers’
His coronation may have been nullified by government in 1993, but that appears not to have stopped some people from actually referring to the late Ankole Prince John Patrick Barigye as their king and treating him as such. These people include Gen David Tinyefuza, the coordinator of Intelligence Services; Omukama Solomon Gafabusa Iguru of Bunyoro and chairperson of the Uganda Cultural Leaders Forum; and William Katatumba, the prime minister of Ankole kingdom. Speaking at Barigye’s funeral service at St Paul’s Cathedral Namirembe on Friday, the three officials said that even without the official recognition by government, they regarded Barigye as Ankole’s king. But the most surprising of these could be Gen Tinyefuza, who had since the annulled 1993 coronation of Barigye, been silent about his support for the Obugabe. Addressing mourners, Tinyefuza, who also called for mutual respect amongst people who love and abhor traditional institutions, said people perceived Barigye in different ways. “To some, he was their king; to others, he was a prince; while to others, he was just Mr Barigye. But the common denominator is that he was a good man to all of us,” he said, before he concluded his eulogy with a prayer for eternal life for Barigye, “our king”. Katatumba also addressed Barigye as “His Royal Highness the Omugabe”. Bunyoro’s king, Omukama Iguru, who did not attend because his wife had just given birth, said in a message delivered by a kingdom official, that the Uganda Culture Leaders Forum recognized Barigye as a king. “Although government never recognized him, the Forum and all the kings and cultural leaders recognized him and treated him as such,” Iguru said. He pledged the Forum’s support to and recognition of Barigye’s heir. Blood and ironTinyefuza defended previous kings, who were perceived as cruel and oppressive to their subjects, saying the times in the bygone eras dictated that the kings act brutally. “I don’t want to be apologetic on this. Democracies don’t build empires. Which empire was built by ballot papers? People who build empires use hot iron and spill blood,” the UPDF general said, adding that democrats only “come to administer what has been created”. Tinyefuza, who spoke highly of kings, said there is no government the world over that has performed better than what kings had done. “Nobody has added anything to what kings created. Those were great men. What they created is what we are just tinkering with.” “The greatest revolutionaries have been princes and kings,” he said, citing leaders like Otto von Bismark, the German prince who played a key role in the unification of Germany. Contradiction?Nevertheless, like Katatumba, Tinyefuza hailed President Yoweri Museveni for the government’s support to Barigye while he was still alive, including paying for his medical treatment and shouldering the bulk of the funeral expenses. “He has always been there whenever John needed help,” said Tinyefuza. They, however, all pointed out the contradiction, since President Museveni also refused to recognize Ankole kingdom and enthrone Barigye as king. On November 20, 1993, Prince Barigye was installed as Omugabe, but government moved swiftly to annul his coronation. Katatumba tried to defend Museveni, saying he was in a difficult situation because of dissenting voices in Ankole that opposed Barigye’s coronation. “President Museveni acted as a parent. There are a few vocal Banyankore who would have caused havoc if he hadn’t listened,” the kingdom’s prime minister said. However, when he asked the congregation to clap for President Museveni in appreciation of his support to the late prince, only a handful did. Most people murmured in apparent disapproval. New era in AnkoleKatatumba and Tinyefuza, however, believe Barigye’s passing could pave a new era for the kingdom. “Maybe it’s a pointer to the government to be more gracious and compassionate to his children; it could also allow Banyankole to heal. Must we remain polarized?” Tinyefuza asked. Katatumba added: “We hope his death will open a new chapter. His death has already showed that there is great solidarity among the Banyankore, apart from those who are known to hate the kingdom.” On the late Barigye’s inadequacies, including his widely publicized bitter and embarrassing court battle in which he sought divorce from his second wife, Tinyefuza appealed for understanding and urged the public, especially the media, not to be judgmental. He said Barigye was human and did what anyone might do. “He wasn’t the first person to try to seek divorce. Some of you might even try to divorce tomorrow,” he told the congregation. “Matters of flesh and blood are very serious. No one should judge the other, because none of us is above them. We only live by the grace of God.” Speaker after speaker spoke highly of Barigye, citing his kindness, humour, gentleness and humility, despite his royalty. “We shall miss his humour and zeal for life,” said his sister, Princess Rosemary Kirungi. Godfrey Tumusiime, who spoke on behalf of the deceased’s friends, said Barigye “exuded calmness and tranquility, even in the most trying moments.” Barigye’s first wife, Mary Kanyarutokye, also spoke of him as a patient man. She said shortly after they had met and started dating, she left for London to study law. Barigye, she said, was patient: “I will wait for you to fulfill your dream,” she quotes him as having said. Upon completion of the three-year degree course, they wed on August 8, 1970, “in this very place where his casket is lying,” she said. Their marriage, however, only lasted for 14 years. Without giving details, Kanyarutokye asked for forgiveness “for any challenges we were unable to resolve while John lived”. The funeral service was attended by, among others, officials and royals from Buganda, Bunyoro, Toro and Busoga kingdoms, and the Lango cultural foundation. Barigye’s casket was draped in Ankole kingdom regalia, inscribed with the emblem and royal drums (bagyendanwa). He was laid to rest at Nkokonjeru, Mbarara municipality yesterday. |
Tullow Oil expects Ugandan authorities to approve a shareholding agreement to develop a landmark $10 billion oil project in the east African country, a senior executive at the London-based explorer said.
“We expect an approval within weeks, not months,” Tullow Vice President Tim O’Hanlon told reporters on the sidelines of an oil conference, denying that disagreements between Tullow and Ugandan authorities were behind delays in Kampala’s decision.
Tullow is in the process of acquiring Heritage Oil’s 50 percent equity in two jointly owned Ugandan exploration blocks — 1 and 3A — and has applied to the Ugandan government to sell stakes on to the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC) and France’s Total.
“It’s an enormous decision for Uganda. We don’t begrudge their right to examine the issues,” O’Hanlon said. “They are delighted with the partners we brought and they have no problem with the Heritage right to sell its assets.” “They don’t want to make any errors. They are no substantial issues (in our discussions),” he added.
Tullow asserted its pre-emption rights after Heritage Oil moved to sell its 50-percent stake in Ugandan exploration areas 1 and 3A to Italy’s Eni SpA in November last year. Eni withdrew and revoked its $1.5 billion purchase agreement with Heritage on Feb. 5.
Tullow then applied to the government to sell stakes on to CNOOC and Total, saying it lacked the technical skill and resources to develop the complex project alone.
“We went to the government with our hands up saying this (project) was too big for Tullow. This is a more than $10 billion investment and the government quite rightly wants a refinery in the country,” O’Hanlon said.
“We wanted to share this risk. So now we have a more elegant solution, with one third (for Tullow), one third (for CNOOC), one third (for Total),” he added.
But two letters seen by Reuters in recent weeks showed that some issues may be behind an approval that Tullow and Heritage have been expecting “within weeks” since February.
In a March 23 letter to Uganda’s Energy Minister Hilary Onek, Heritage asked the Ugandan government to explain why there was a delay in approving the sale.
And in a separate letter, Uganda’s state-run environment authority has accused Tullow of taking inadequate steps to safeguard the environment around their drilling sites.
Uganda discovered oil in 2006 in the Lake Albert region along the border with the Democratic Republic of Congo and exploration companies estimate reserves at 2 billion barrels.
O’Hanlon said Tullow and its partners expected to start production next year, adding a refinery was due to come on stream by 2013 or 2014, although the output capacity of that refinery was yet to be determined.
Tullow, CNOOC and Total are likely to start exporting more than 200,000 barrels per day of Ugandan crude oil from 2015, O’Hanlon said.
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Ankole Kingdom 